MACAM MANA MELAYU NAK BERSATU

MACAM MANA MELAYU NAK BERSATU??? Menarik juga pertanyaan seorang sahabat ni. Hari ini penulis terpanggil untuk mengulas serba sedikit mengenai perkara ini. Idea sedemikian terpacul dari kotak pemikiran penulis setelah membaca artikel tentang gagasan 1 Malaysia yang diperkenalkan oleh Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. Memang satu gagasan yang amat menarik di mana ianya adalah salah satu cita-cita untuk mewujudkan perpaduan di kalangan masyarakat majmuk yang berbilang kaum di negara ini. Walau bagaimanapun, perkara yang terlintas jauh di sudut pemikiran penulis setelah membaca artikel tersebut ialah tentang MELAYU. Adakah wujud perpaduan di kalangan orang Melayu sendiri??? Adakah orang Melayu boleh bersatu??? Satu pertanyaan yang sukar untuk dijawab dan diperkatakan. Kadang-kadang terfikir juga, adakah disebabkan perbezaan pegangan politik itu yang memecahbelahkan bangsa Melayu itu sendiri. Mungkin ya atau mungkin juga tidak. Bagi penulis, perbezaan pegangan politik itu wajar tapi tidak perlulah sampai melibat perpecahan bangsa sendiri. Macam mana lah Melayu nak bersatu kalau disebabkan pegangan politik yang berbeza semua nak berpecah. Tapi betul ke disebabkan pandangan politik yang berbeza je yang boleh buat Melayu berpecah belah. Cuba lihat dan buka kotak pemikiran kita dengan seluas-luasnya. Bagaimana pula dengan kewujudan semangat kenegerian di negara ini. Semangat kenegerian itu penting sebab melambangkan identiti sesebuah negeri. Tapi macam mana pula kalau semangat kenegerian itu diagungkan sehingga menjadi satu kebanggaan kepada sesetengah puak. Bukan penulis tidak ada semangat kenegerian tetapi tidaklah pula terlalu taksub sehingga membuatkan orang lain jelik. Macam mana Melayu nak bersatu kalau wujud puak-puak yang begitu taksub dengan perkara sebegitu. Terlalu bangga dengan negeri sendiri sehingga menyebabkan mereka merasakan tiada negeri lain yang setanding dengan rakyat di negeri mereka. Ketaksuban sebegini juga mampu memecahbelahkan Melayu di negara ini. Macam manalah nak satukan masyarakat majmuk di negara ini jika bangsa Melayu sendiri pon tidak bersatu. FIKIRKAN.

MAJALAH FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW BERKENAAN PERISTIWA 13 MEI 1969 (KELUARAN 7 JUN 1969)

TAJUK: DOWN--BUT NOT OUT

BY: T. G. Mc Gee

MALAYSIA: On the face of it, the results of the recent West Malaysia election should not have provided a catalyst for the communal riots which followed, says T. G. McGee, a well-known authority on urban problems in Asia with a specialised knowledge of Kuala Lumpur and Malaysian politics. In this article he provides a detailed analysis of the West Malaysia Parliamentary Election results -- the backdrop to the disorder which followed.

THE current disastrous sequence of events in West Malaysia -- communal rioting, the imposition of Emergency Regulations, the postponement of scheduled elections in East Malaysia, and the apparent inability of the Alliance Government to hold together the divided ethnic elements of Malaysia's society -- have forced a realistic analysis of the 1969 Parliamentary Election results into the background.

An analysis of this Parliamentary election when compared with the electoral patterns of Alliance and Opposition support in the 1959 and 1964 elections provides considerable insight into the unresolved tensions and problems of West Malaysia. Such tensions also exist in the territories of East Malaysia, but there has not been as much time to undertake remedial policies.

To understand these conflicts as they emerge in the electoral patterns, it is necessary to briefly sketch the demographic, social and economic features of West Malaysia. West Malaysia (and Malaysia as a whole) is unique among Southeast Asian nations in that immigrant groups form almost 50% of its total population. In 1966 the Malays made up 50% of West Malaysia's population, while the remainder was composed of Chinese (37%), Indians (11%) and other racial groups (2%). This almost equal balance between the indigenous and alien communities has been the most important deterrent to extreme measures being taken by the indigenous populations against the minority groups as have occurred in other Southeast Asian countries, notably against the Indians in Burma and the Chinese in Indonesia. Malaysia's unique multi-racial situation has been complicated by the fact that the Malays, traditionally located in rural areas, are poorer and less educated than the predominantly urban Chinese (63%) who are economically better-off.

In an effort to prevent a polarisation between the "have" and "have nots" of the Malaysian society in the form of a communal war, the British were careful to ensure that their political power of the colonial period devolved effectively to the Malays. Thus the formation of the Alliance Party -- comprising the predominant UMNO (United Malay National Organisation) but including also the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress), which won the 1955 election and every election thereafter -- was looked upon with favour.

Secondly, the distribution and allocation of constituencies ensured a dominance of Malay rural constituencies at the expense of the more heavily-populated Chinese urban constituencies. Since this original constituency demarcation, there have been several changes in parliamentary constituencies boundaries but this basic inequality has not been corrected. For example the urban electorate of Bungsar won by the DAP (Democratic Action Party) in this year's election had a valid vote of 46,698 compared with the Hiler Perak constituency which had a valid vote of 12,221 won by the Alliance.

Since the Independence of Malaya in 1957 several trends have emerged to complicate earlier hopes of maintaining some kind of balance between the Malay indigenous political power and the immigrant economic power. First the growth of towns which had accelerated between 1947 and 1957 has continued.

In particular Kuala Lumpur, the capital, has experienced very rapid growth. In 1967 the Municipal Health Officer for Kuala Lumpur estimated that the city would reach a population of 750,000 by 1968; almost a 100% increase in 10 years. More relevant to current events is the fact that many of those moving to the city have been rural Malays who have not always found employment opportunities. In addition lack of adequate housing has forced them into squatter settlements and the overcrowded Kampong Bahru has been the foci of recent communal clashes.

This Malay movement has not been so marked in other parts of the Malayan Peninsula but the same problems of unemployment exist elsewhere for the Chinese; particularly in George Town (Penang), Malacca, Ipoh (Perak) and Seremban (Negri Sembilan), important centres of Chinese disaffection with the Alliance Government.

To remedy these situations, the Alliance Party has attempted to follow a policy of government investment in the rural sector to uplift the standard of living of the Malay population while providing incentives for private enterprise to invest in the industrial expansion of the cities. It has also attempted to ease Malays into the urban sector by providing government positions and industrial jobs.

Despite considerable success in solving their complex dilemma, the pace has evidently not been sufficient to create sufficient labour opportunities for either the Malays or Chinese, and indeed a growing dissatisfaction in both communities has become apparent.

Among the Chinese, the Alliance Party's policy seems to excessively favour Malays. Among the Malays, the Alliance Party's policies are regarded as not getting results fast enough. In the face of this situation, the PMIP (Pan Malayan Islamic Party), drawing its support largely from the most backward, rural Malay communities through a dual appeal to Malay chauvinism on the basis of their Islamic religion and their inherent rights, has been growing in power.

In the urban areas of the western states several parties, the Democratic Action Party, the Gerakan Ra'ayat Malaysia and the People's Progressive Party, all of them multi-racial in membership but drawing support largely from the Chinese with their promises to improve the community's conditions, have similarly increased their political strength. It is against this background of growing communal polarisations that the results of the 1969 election must be analysed.

The most striking fact emerging from the 1969 Parliamentary election is not the substantial loss in the number of Alliance Party parliamentary seats and in its percentage of the total vote compared to 1964 but that the pattern of Alliance and Opposition support is strikingly reminiscent of the 1959 elections. Looked at in the context of the three elections, the substantial Alliance victory of 1964 could in retrospect be viewed as reflecting the threat of Konfrontasi which encouraged the voters (particularly the Chinese) to put aside their concern for local issues of economic development and social welfare when casting their votes.

In 1959 the Alliance Party was already clearly entrenched in its regional areas of support -- Johore, Pahang, Kedah and the dominantly Malay constituencies of the West Coast states of Penang, Perak, Selangor and Negri Sembilan. The Pan Malayan Islamic Party controlled the states of Kelantan and Trengganu. The Socialist Front and the People's Progressive Party were dominant among a mixture of opposition parties in the urban areas of the West Coast states.

Ten years later, the Alliance Party had gained Trengganu at the expense of the Pan Malayan Islamic Party. The latter party had made substantial gains in Kedah, a dominantly Malay Alliance stronghold. Despite these changes, the pattern of electorate support for these two parties was not radically different. The DAP and the Gerakan had inherited the Socialist Front and other miscellaneous parties' strength in the mixed and dominantly Chinese urban constituencies of Penang, Negri Sembilan and Selangor. The PPP (People's Progressive Party) still retained its position in its urban stronghold of Ipoh and the surrounding areas.

The implications of this regional pattern of electoral support at the parliamentary level can be more fully explored by the investigation of the patterns of communal support and rural-urban support for the principal parties. Earlier elections have revealed strikingly the influence of the communal structure of Malaysian society. The principal Malaysian political parties with the exception of the PMIP have always recognised this fact despite their avowed adherence to a policy of anti-communalism.

For instance the Alliance Party has usually followed a policy of nominating from its threefold party alliance a candidate whose race is that of the dominant race in each constituency. This is one of the principal reasons for the easy recognition of the MCA's bad showing in the 1969 polls since their candidates failed to win many seats in the Chinese constituencies. There have been exceptions -- for instance, V. Manickavasagam in Klang constituency and Tan Siew Sin in Malacca Central -- but these are few, certainly the exceptions rather than the rule.

It should be made clear that the present distribution of the races -- predominantly Malays in rural areas and Chinese in urban areas -- creates a situation in which the Malay vote is more important than its size in the population might lead one to believe because of the heavy concentration in the over-represented rural constituencies. The pattern of communal support in the elections of 1959, 1964 and 1969 indicates that the Alliance has not markedly lost the support of the dominantly Malay constituencies. However, this conclusion must be seen in relation to the pattern of the contested electorates since the PMIP contested far fewer seats than the Alliance.

The PMIP drew practically all its support from the Malay constituencies but also increased its votes in mixed constituencies principally among the Malays in the West Coast states of Selangor and Perak. The growing appeal of the Socialist Front Party in the mixed and Chinese constituencies has been inherited by the DAP and the Gerakan. The other parties appear to have declined in Chinese areas despite the fact that the PPP, the principal party of this group, won four seats in the 1969 election.

In the 1964 election, the PPP, the DAP and the Labour Party were also included in this category. Certainly there has been a decline in the Alliance support in Chinese areas, but it is scarcely as bad as the election results appear to indicate viewed in terms of the total vote of these constituencies. Overall the pattern seems to be very much back to the 1959 pattern of communal support.

While the division into rural and urban constituencies is necessarily crude, the emergent trend resembles that which existed in 1959. This is particularly true of the Alliance Party. The most marked change has occurred in the urban constituencies where the combined vote of the PAP and the Gerakan has taken almost 50% of the vote. If the PPP is added to this, then over two-thirds of the urban vote went to the opposition parties. The other marked change is in the considerable increase in PMIP's share of the rural vote. Thus the ethnic division between rural and urban populations is amply supported by these data.

The implications of this analysis of regional, communal and rural-urban suport for the various parties point to a growing polarisation which indicates that the policies of the Alliance Party have not succeeded in convincing the majority of the West Malaysian population of the need for continuing to support the ruling party's policies.

On the face of it, the results of the 1969 election should not have provided a catalyst for the communal rioting which ensued. True, the MCA has lost the support of the majority of Chinese. True the UMNO has lost some support among the Malays. But these trends should serve as indicators to the Alliance Party of the inadequacy of its policies for building a multi-racial society. They need not be interpreted as an irrevocable disenchantment with the Alliance Party or the successful manoeuvring of another party or parties to overthrow the existing Government.

KHUTBAH TERAKHIR RASULULLAH

Khutbah terakhir Rasulullah S.A.W 

Disampaikan pada 9hb Zulhijjah Tahun 10 Hijriyah di Lembah Uranah, Gunung Arafah

WAHAI manusia, dengarlah baik-baik apa yang hendak kukatakan. Aku tidak mengetahui apakah aku dapat bertemu lagi dengan kamu semua selepas tahun ini. Oleh itu dengarlah dengan teliti kata-kataku ini dan sampaikanlah ia kepada orang-orang yang tidak dapat hadir disini pada hari ini. Wahai manusia, sepertimana kamu menganggap bulan ini dan kota ini sebagai suci, maka anggaplah jiwa dan harta setiap orang Muslim sebagai amanah suci. Kembalikan harta yang diamanahkan kepada kamu kepada pemiliknya yang berhak. Janganlah kamu sakiti sesiapa pun agar orang lain tidak menyakiti kamu lagi. 

Ingatlah bahawa sesungguhnya kamu akan menemui Tuhan kamu dan Dia pasti membuat perhitungan di atas segala amalan kamu. Allah telah mengharamkan riba, oleh itu segala urusan yang melibatkan riba dibatalkan mulai sekarang. Berwaspadalah terhadap syaitan demi keselamatan agama kamu. Dia telah berputus asa untuk menyesatkan kamu dalam perkara-perkara besar. Maka berjaga-jagalah supaya kamu tidak mengikutinya dalam perkara-perkara kecil.  Wahai manusia sebagaimana kamu mempunyai hak atas isteri kamu mereka juga mempunyai hak di atas kamu. Sekiranya mereka menyempurnakan hak mereka ke atas kamu maka mereka juga berhak untuk diberi makan dan pakaian dalam suasana kasih sayang.

Layanilah wanita-wanita kamu dengan baik dan berlemah-lembutlah terhadap mereka kerana sesungguhnya mereka adalah teman dan pembantu kamu yang setia. Dan hak kamu atas mereka ialah mereka sama sekali tidak boleh memasukkan orang yang kamu tidak sukai ke dalam rumah kamu dan dilarang melakukan zina. Wahai manusia, dengarlah bersunggah-sungguh kata-kataku ini, sembahlah Allah, dirikanlah sembahyang lima kali sehari, berpuasalah di bulan Ramadan, dan tunaikanlah zakat dari harta kekayaan kamu. Kerjakanlah Ibadah Haji sekiranya kamu mampu. Ketahuilah bahawa setiap Muslim adalah saudara kepada Muslim yang lain. Kamu semua adalah sama; tidak seorang pun yang lebih mulia dari yang lainnya kecuali dalam taqwa dan beramal soleh. Ingatlah, bahawa kamu akan menghadap Allah pada suatu hari untuk dipertanggungjawabkan di atas segala apa yang telah kamu kerjakan. Oleh itu awasilah agar jangan sekali-kali kamu terkeluar dari landasan kebenaran selepas ketiadaanku.

Wahai manusia, tidak ada lagi Nabi atau Rasul yang akan datang selepasku dan tidak akan lahir agama baru. Oleh itu wahai manusia, nilailah dengan betul dan fahamilah kata-kataku yang telah aku sampaikan kepada kamu. Sesungguhnya aku tinggalkan kepada kamu dua perkara, yang sekiranya kamu berpegang teguh dan mengikuti kedua-duanya, nescaya kamu tidak akan tersesat selama-lamanya. Itulah Al-Quran dan Sunnahku. Hendaklah orang-orang yang mendengar ucapanku, menyampaikan pula kepada orang lain.

Semoga yang terakhir lebih memahami kata-kataku dari mereka yang terus mendengar dariku. Saksikanlah Ya Allah, bahawasanya telah aku sampaikan risalah-Mu kepada hamba-hambaMu.


SELAWAT & SALAM KEPADA JUNJUNGAN BESAR NABI MUHAMMAD S.A.W. SEKIAN

ADAT ISTIADAT PERKAHWINAN ORANG MELAYU (MERASI)

MERASI??? Pernah dengar perkataan ini??? Mungkin generasi muda zaman sekarang tidak pernah mendengar perkataan ini. Merasi secara umumnya adalah salah satu cabang menilik nasib yang digunakan oleh orang MELAYU dahulukala dan mungkin masih ada yang mengamalkannya sehingga ke hari ini. Walau bagaimanapun, kebanyakan orang MELAYU sudah hampir melupakan adat ini. Keadaan ini bukanlah disebabkan kerana ianya ditegah oleh Islam ataupun akibat tentangan atau protes yang lahir dari golongan alim ulama, sebaliknya ianya dilupakan disebabkan orang MELAYU itu sendiri yag tidak memerlukannya. Adat MERASI ini biasanya dilakukan untuk bakal pasangan yang belum saling mengenal dan sukar untuk mengenal hati kedua-dua pihak. Walau bagaimanapun, dalam keadaan masyarakat sekarang yang boleh dikatakan agak bebas, seseorang itu boleh mengetahui perwatakan pasangan masing-masing melalui pertemuan-pertemuan secara langsung dan tidak langsung. Keadaan ini secara tidak langsung membantu pasangan untuk mengetahui tentang keserasian di antara satu sama lain. Justeru, keperluan untuk MERASI tidak timbul pada masyarakat zaman sekarang.

Perlakuan adat MERASI ini secara umumnya boleh dikatakan tidak bertalian dengan darjat  atau martabat seseorang atau satu-satu keluarga. Adakalanya orang kaya, golongan bangsawan dan ternama masih mengamalkannya sedangkan golongan biasa terus mengabaikannya. Keadaan ini terjadi mungkin kerana orang yang mengamalkannya hidup dalam satu kelompok manusia yang eksklusif, yang dilingkungi oleh adat istiadat kelompoknya sendiri dan adat tersebut dijaga dengan kukuh agar tidak lapuk ditelan zaman. Kebiasaannya golongan seperti ini mempunyai bomoh, pawang atau dukun yang menjalankan adat MERASI serta adat istiadat lain. 

Umumnya, terlalu banyak cara-cara untuk MERASI. Ada yang mudah dan ada yang sukar dan disokong dengan petua-petua tertentu. Antara contoh teknik MERASI ialah dengan menghitung nilai nama pasangan yang hendak dijodohkan. Umumnya, hitungan tersebut dilakukan berdasarkan ejaan huruf-huruf Arab di mana setiap huruf itu mempunyai nilainya yang tersendiri. Di bawah diperturunkan nilai tersebut:

(Panduan: Lihat ejaan huruf Arab di atas)

Ambil satu contoh. Misalnya SALIM dengan FATIMAH, beri nilai bagi setiap huruf:

SALIM: SIIN (60), ALIF (1), LAAM (30), YAA (10), MIIM (40) = 141

FATIMAH: FAA (80), ALIF (1), TAA (HURUF 16) (9), MIIM (40), HAA (8) = 138

Jumlah dari tiap huruf tadi dicampurkan (141+138=279). Seterusnya angka ini ditolak dengan angka 9 dan bakinya ditolak lagi dengan dengan 9. Begitulah seterusnya sehingga tinggal satu angka sahaja (dari 1-9). Baki angka terakhir inilah yang dijadikan penentu untuk mendapat kepastian tentang rasi pasangan tadi. 

Rumusan ramalan angka-angka tersebut adalah seperti berikut:

1-Jodoh tidak sesuai

2-Sesuai

3-Permulaan jodoh tidak menggalakkan dan akhirnya akan menjadi lebih buruk tetapi kadangkala ada juga persesuaian.

4-Pertemuan jodoh pasangan baik, jalinan kasih sayang semakin lama semakin erat

5-Jodoh baik, rumah tangga aman dan makmur

6-Pertemuan jodoh baik pada permulaannya tetapi akhirnya sering terjadi selisih faham

7-Jodoh baik, keadaaan rumah tangga aman dan mulia dipandang orang

8-Pertemuan jodoh tidak baik yang mungkin berakhir dengan penceraian

9-Pertemuan jodoh yang sederhana rasinya, selalu pindah rumah

Kaedah lain ialah dengan menjumlahkan nilai nama tiap seorang secara berasingan tetapi tidak dijumlahkan kedua-duanya seperti di atas tadi. Contoh SALIM=141 & FATIMAH 138. Nama kedua-dua ini ditolak secara berasingan. Contoh: angka 141 ditolak dengan angka 9 sehingga mendapat satu angka sahaja (1-9) iaitu baki terakhir angka bagi setiap nama pasangan. Dari angka inilah ramalan dilakukan, iaitu dengan mempertemukan angka lelaki dan perempuan. Rumusan ramalan ini adalah seperti berikut:

1-1=Jodoh pertemuan diramalkan baik dan hidup pasangan itu bahagia

1-2=Jodoh pertemuan diramalkan serasi, mendapat rezeki halal, mendapat anak baik dan ada persefahaman antara suami isteri

1-3=Jodoh tidak serasi dan sering berselisih faham

1-4=Ada persefahaman antara pasangan tetapi akhirnya akan bercerai, tetapi jika mempunyai anak maka jodoh akan kekal

1-5=Tidak serasi dan akhirnya akan bercerai

1-6= Serasi dan bahagia hidup mereka

1-7=Pasangan ini tidak serasi, sentiasa bersengketa dan saling mencari kesalahan pihak lain

1-8=Hidup mereka sering muram dan dalam keadaan miskin. Anak adalah faktor berkekalannya jodoh mereka

1-9=Jodoh mereka kekal tetapi hidup mereka sering huru-hara

2-2=Jodoh kekal, sayangnya tidak ada kasih sayang. Hati pasangan ini tidak sehaluan

2-3=Tidak ada persefahaman dan berakhir dengan penceraian

2-4=Jodoh ini tidak kekal

2-5=Jodoh ini kekal tetapi hidup mereka dalam keadaan miskin

2-6=Jodoh ini hidup dalam keadaan miskin, jika beranak, anak menjadi punca masalah

2-7=Saling faham memahami

2-8=Tidak persefahaman. Si perempuan keras hatinya

2-9=Jodoh ini saling bersefahaman murah rezeki dan mendapat kurnia nikmat Allah S.W.T

3-4=Jodoh ini akan berakhir dengan penceraian

3-5=Jodoh ini ada persesuaiannya. Sayangnya mereka akan berakhir dengan penceraian

3-6=Jodoh ini sesuai dan kekal

3-7=Sesuai dan berkekalan

3-8=Sesuai dan berkekalan

3-9=Kurang sesuai, selalu berselisih faham tetapi bila terjadi perselisihan salah satu pihak akan mengalah

4-4=Tidak sesuai dan mungkin berakhir dengan penceraian

4-5=Ada persefahaman di antara pasangan tetapi mungkin akan berakhir dengan penceraian

4-6=Hidup pasangan ini dalam kesukaran dan tidak bersefahaman. Rumah tangga sering menjadi punca masalah

4-7=Tiada persefahaman antara pasangan ini

4-8=Saling bersefahaman. Rumahtangga aman

4-9=Tidak serasi

5-5=Tidak bersesuaian, sering berselisih faham dan akan berakhir dengan penceraian

5-6=Saling bersefahaman. Rumahtangga aman

5-7=Saling bersefahaman tetapi kadang-kadang timbul masalah

5-8=Hidup pasangan ini saling bersefahaman dan bahagia tetapi akhirnya mereka menghadapi masalah

5-9=Tiap pihak dari pasangan ini mempunyai sifat-sifat kebaikan dan kejahatan

6-6=Jodoh ini serasi, berkekalan dan murah rezeki. Mereka berdua baik hati

6-7=Jodoh ini tidak sehaluan hati tetapi kekal

6-8=Jodoh ini serasi, saling bersefahaman dan berkasih sayang

6-9=Jodoh ini serasi, kekal tetapi kadang-kadang menghadapi masalah dan pertelingkahan

7-7=Tidak sesuai dan sering bersengketa

7-8=Tidak sesuai dan mungkin berakhir dengan penceraian

7-9=Pertemuan antara jodoh ini akan membawa kebaikan, tetapi sifat kebaikan dan keburukan wujud pada kedua-dua pihak

8-8=Jodoh ini sesuai, mendapat rezeki dan nikmat Allah S.W.T

8-9=Jodoh ini saling bersefahaman, berkasih sayang dan bahagia

9-9=Jodoh dari pasangan ini kuat dan kekal biarpun terdapat sedikit persengketaan dalam masa-masa tertentu

Cubalah kalian cuba melihat jodoh masing-masing sama ada serasi atau tidak. Walau bagaimanapun, janganlah kalian percaya dengan sepenuhnya kerana jodoh itu rahsia ALLAH S.W.T. Hanya ALLAH S.W.T sahaja yang mampu menentukan jodoh sesebuah hubungan kita sebagai manusia hanya mampu berusaha. SEKIAN

GAMBARAN TENTERA SELENDANG MERAH SEWAKTU 13 MEI 1969

TENTERA SELENDANG MERAH??? Rasanya tak perlu di war-warkan lagi tentang gerakan ini. Sebelum ini, blog ini telah beberapa kali memaparkan tentang gerakan ini. Walau bagaimanapun, entry kali ini kalian akan di dedahkan pula dengan gambaran Tentera Selendang Merah sewaktu peristiwa rusuhan kaum yang berlaku pada tanggal 13 Mei 1969. Gambaran-gambaran mengenai tentera Selendang Merah ini diperolehi daripada wawancara yang dijalankan terhadap saksi-saksi mata yang menyaksikan peristiwa berdarah tersebut. Seperti yang kita sedia maklum, Peristiwa 13 Mei menyaksikan pergaduhan antara dua kaum majoriti di Malaysia iaitu Melayu dan Cina. Sewaktu peristiwa rusuhan berlaku, orang-orang Melayu telah menggunakan pelbagai jenis senjata termasuk parang panjang, buluh runcing, besi dan sebagainya. Khabar mengenai rusuhan kaum yang mula tercetus di Kuala Lumpur pada waktu itu telah menjadi khabar angin yang hangat disebarkan ke seluruh negara. Khabar angin yang tersebar dengan cepat telah membangkitkan semangat perkauman di seluruh negara. Justeru, atas dasar  jihad untuk mempertahankan agama dan bangsa, maka tentera Selendang Merah yang terkenal di Muar dan Batu Pahat telah turut serta dalam rusuhan tersebut. Kehandalan Tentera Selendang Merah pada waktu itu jelas dilihat apabila kemunculan parang-parang terbang yang memancung kepala kaum Cina yang terlibat dalam rusuhan tersebut. Walau bagaimanapun, entry kali ini penulis tidak berniat untuk mengulas panjang berkenaan perkara tersebut. Isu utama dalam entry kali ini ialah gambaran tentera-tentera Selendang Merah sewaktu peristiwa tersebut. Adakah mereka memakai selempang atau selendang berwarna merah???  

Berdasarkan gambaran yang dibuat oleh beberapa saksi mata, tentera selendang merah digambarkan dalam banyak versi. Antara gambaran yang jelas dilihat ialah berdasarkan keterangan catatan yang diberikan oleh Aishah Haji Abdul Ghani (Tan Sri) yang menyaksikan sendiri peristiwa rusuhan tersebut. Menurut Tan Sri Aishah, ketika beliau memandu kereta yang bernombor BJ 863 iaitu dalam perjalanan pulang dari Gombak ke Kampung Baharu, beliau telah menyaksikan beratus-ratus pemuda Melayu membawa parang, lembing dan kapak berarak menuju ke sebuah kilang di Setapak sambil melaungkan kata-kata "ORANG MELAYU SUDAH CUKUP SABAR, MEREKA INI PERLU DIAJAR". Berdasarkan keterangan Tan Sri Aishah, rumah beliau telah dijadikan tempat orang ramai mendapatkan perlindungan ekoran tersekat di tengah jalan akibat peristiwa tersebut. Selain itu, Tan Sri Aishah turut mnceritakan tentang pengalamannya melihat seorang pemuda Cina yang lari lintang pukang dengan hanya berkaki ayam masuk ke rumahnya demi mendapatkan perlindungan. Kedatangan pemuda Cina ke rumahnya telah membawa kepada kemunculan beberapa orang yang tidak dikenali yang bersenjatakan parang panjang. Pemuda-pemuda ini digambarkan bersenjatakan parang panjang, berseluar hitam dan tidak berbaju. Adakah ini tentera Selendang Merah??? Selain itu, pada jam 11 malam 13 Mei 1969, Tan Sri Aishah turut menggambarkan tentang sekumpulan pemuda Melayu di kawasan Masjid Kampung Baharu. Para pemuda Melayu tersebut digambarkan dalam keadaan tidak berbaju dan hanya memakai seluar serta kain lilin kepala berwarna hitam. Pemuda-pemuda Melayu ini membawa parang panjang dan badan mereka berkilat seolah-olah disapu minyak. Adakah ini tentera Selendang Merah???

Gambaran mengenai tentera Selendang Merah juga jelas ditonjolkan oleh Datuk Radzi Sheikh Ahmad (Setiausaha Agung UMNO). Sewaktu peristiwa 13 Mei, Datuk Radzi dan isteri serta anaknya telah menyaksikan sendiri peristiwa tersebut di panggung Federal. Disebabkan peristiwa pembunuhan di panggung tersebut beliau telah terkandas perjalanan untuk pulang ke rumah. Justeru beliau telah berlindung di kelab malam dan menyewa hotel yang berhampiran dengan lokasi pergaduhan tersebut. Sewaktu berjalan dari kelab malam ke hotel, Datuk Radzi telah melihat puluhan lelaki berlilit kepala dengan kain berwarna merah  sedang berkawal di sepanjang kaki lima bangunan kedai  di kawasan tersebut. Adakah ini tentera Selendang Merah???

Pakaian Perang Selendang Merah???

Selain daripada tokoh-tokoh di atas, Encik Mat Aini dan Tuan Haji Paris Saleh turut memberi gambaran tentang tentera Selendang Merah ini. Encik Mat Aini telah menceritakan pengalamannya sewaktu peristiwa 13 Mei di mana sebelum peristiwa tersebut, beliau telah bergegas ke pekan Sungai Besi untuk membeli barang keperluan kerana bimbang sesuatu yang buruk akan berlaku. Di dalam perjalanan pulang ke rumahnya yang terletak di Kampung Selamat, beliau telah menyaksikan penduduk kampungnya telah mula berkumpul di surau dan ada di kalangan mereka yang melilitkan kain berwarna merah di kepala. Adakah ini tentera Selendang Merah??? Manakala Tuan Haji Paris pada pukul 6.45 petang 13 Mei telah pergi ke sebuah kedai Cina di pekan Sungai Besi untuk membeli barangan dapur. Sewaktu beliau berada di pekan tersebut, suasana telah menjadi kelam-kabut setelah orang ramai mendengar bunyi semboyan dari kem tentera Sungai Besi. Menurut beliau, bunyi semboyan tersebut adalah menanda rusuhan telah berlaku dan pada waktu itu banyak kedai-kedai telah ditutup secara serta merta.  Serentak dengan itu, beliau telah menyaksikan banyak kenderaan berat tentera bergerak meninggalkan kem menuju ke pusat bandaraya Kuala Lumpur. Sehubungan dengan itu, Tuan Haji Paris telah dinasihatkan oleh anggota tentera dan polis yang berkawal supaya pulang ke rumah. Semasa pulang ke rumahnya di Kampung Batu Tujuh, Tuan Haji Paris menyatakan bahawa suasana di kampung amat sunyi, tetapi kelihatan beberapa penduduk kampung berkawal di sekitar surau. Tambahnya lagi, terdapat beberapa orang yang memakai lilitan merah di kepala di dalam kumpulan penduduk kampung yang sedang berkawal itu. Tuan Haji Paris menyatakan bahawa lilitan merah tersebut merupakan suatu simbol terkenal yang digunakan oleh orang Melayu ketika tragedi 13 Mei. Adakah ini yang dikatakan sebagai tentera Selendang Merah???

Macam Jai KL Gangster???

Berdasarkan keterangan-keterangan yang diberikan oleh saksi-saksi mata tersebut, penulis berharap agar kalian menilai sendiri sama ada benar atau tidak gambaran mengenai tentera Selendang Merah ini. Sumber : Abdul Rahman Ibrahim, 13 Mei 1969 di Kuala Lumpur. Sekian.

MAJALAH FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW BERKENAAN PERISTIWA 13 MEI 1969 (KELUARAN 24 MAY 1969)

MALAYSIA: Requiem for Democracy?

BY: BOB REECE

Kuala Lumpur: "Democracy is dead in this country. It died at the hands of the opposition parties who triggered off the events leading to this violence."

Such was the epitaph delivered last week by Tun Dr Ismail, Malaysia's new Minister for Home Affairs, after the worst racial rioting the country has ever experienced. Hatreds flared up in Kuala Lumpur on the evening of May 13, and by early this week, the official number of dead stood at 137, with more than 300 injured, hundreds of houses gutted and scores of vehicles burnt.

In the early hours of Sunday last week, it had become obvious that the ruling Alliance Party had received a major setback in the general election although it had managed to retain a simple parliamentary majority. Penang had been lost to the Gerakan Party; Kelantan had been held by the PMIP (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party), and the Alliance was struggling to retain control of Perak and Selangor.

The Alliance had almost certainly lost its old two-thirds majority which had enabled it to amend the Constitution; three of its ministers and two parliamentary secretaries had lost their seats; its share of the valid votes had dropped by 9% since 1964 to 49%; and it faced the prospect of a vociferous and effective (largely Chinese-based) Opposition in the Federal Parliament for the first time since Independence.

Foreign correspondents in Kuala Lumpur who had observed the elections filed despatches praising the Malaysian democratic process and predicting five years of peace, prosperity and more efficient government. The Tunku's initial reaction was naturally one of disappointment, but he conceded that the people had wanted a strong opposition, which they had now got.

Exultant supporters of the Democratic Action Party and the Gerakan filled the capital's streets on Sunday and Monday night with their flag-waving cavalcades of vehicles. Their delight in breaking the Alliance's myth of invincibility inevitably irritated Malay supporters of the Government. Malays were also alarmed by boasts that the Chinese had now achieved some measure of political power.

By 2pm on Tuesday, the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association), which had suffered badly at the polls, announced that it would withdraw from the Cabinet while remaining within the Alliance. Tun Razak pronounced sentence on the Chinese voters who had been warned before the elections that unless they voted MCA, they would forfeit all Chinese representation in the Government. At UMNO (United Malay National Organisation) headquarters in Batu Road, the feeling was that democracy had gone too far -- in other words, that the political hegemony of the Malays, papered over in the Alliance by the multi-racial front of MCA and MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress), was in real danger. A non-Malay Mentri Besar in both Selangor and Perak seemed dangerously likely.

Late on Tuesday afternoon, young Malays from the whole of Selangor began to assemble outside the residence of the Selangor Mentri Besar, Dato Harun. A retaliatory march had been planned by the UMNO youth to end in a rally at Suleiman Court near Batu Road, but police permission was withheld. While people were still assembling for this parade, trouble broke out in the nearby Malay section of Kampong Bahru, where two Chinese lorries were burnt. By 6.30 pm, a crowd was raging down Jalan Raja Muda towards Batu Road. Another group came out of Kampong Bahru into Jalan Hale, another exit from the Malay section into the Chinese areas.

By 7.15pm I could see the mobs swarming like bees at the junction of Jalan Raja Muda and Batu Road. More vehicles were smashed, and Chinese shop-houses set on fire. The Chinese and Indian shopkeepers of Batu Road formed themselves into a "district defence force" armed with whatever they could find -- parangs, poles, iron bars and bottles. I watched one old man pathetically grasp a shovel. Men, standing in the back of a truck travelling up and down the road, urged the people to unite. A 16-year-old boy tore strips from a piece of cloth to be used for identification. When the Malay invading force withdrew as quickly as it had arrived, the residents took their revenge. Shop-fronts and cars suspected of being Malay-owned were smashed or burnt. Several attempts were made to set fire to the nearby UMNO headquarters where three propaganda jeeps had already been set on fire. A bus, whose Malay driver had allegedly knocked over two Chinese on a bicycle, was also attacked.

The police arrived at about 9pm but did not remain in the area. Later, truck-loads of Federal Reserve Units (riot squads) and the Royal Malay Regiment drove past. The Chinese in the street ran into their shop-houses as soon as the convoy came into sight, but were quickly out on the greets again when they had passed. By midnight, I found the street almost deserted but sounds of gunfire and the glows of fires showed that trouble had flared up elsewhere.

From my own observations, the curfew was not imposed on Tuesday night with equal rigidity in all areas. In the side streets off Jalan Hale, I could see bands of Malay youths armed with parangs and sharpened bamboo spears assembled in full view of troops posted at road junctions. Meanwhile, at Batu Road, a number of foreign correspondents saw members of the Royal Malay Regiment firing into Chinese shop-houses for no apparent reason. The road itself was completely deserted, and no sniping or other violence by the residents had been observed by the journalists.

On Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, troops and police were in effective control, although incidents were still taking place. At one point, Malay youths came out of nearby kampongs to drop bricks on passing cars from a footbridge on the Federal Highway which leads to the airport. Another nasty scene saw groups of armed Chinese youths attempting to make their way to Malay kampong areas.

By Friday, curfews had been imposed in Malacca, Negri Sembilan, parts of Perak, southern Kedah, and Penang as well as Selangor. Six battalions of the Royal Malay Regiment together with Federal Reserve Units and police were spread very thinly over this large area, and all army and police reserves were mobilised. The formation of a Civil Defence Corps was announced, and "loyal" youths were asked to volunteer. Hundreds of houses, deserted during the panic, were set on fire, but by Thursday the Fire Brigade appeared to be on the job. The presence of the police and the army had restored a measure of confidence by Saturday morning, although the Government ignored earlier offers by opposition party leaders to co-operate in damping down the violence.

In a speech on Wednesday last week, Tunku Abdul Rahman said the riots were due to an attempt by disloyal elements to overthrow the Government by force of arms: "The terrorists, under the cover of political parties, are trying for a comeback." This interpretation of events was repeated by the new Minister for Information, Enche Hamzah, and by Tun Abdul Razak at press conferences on Friday. According to Deputy Prime Minister Razak, the Labour Party boycott of the elections had only been a feint. The real strategy of the communists had been to "intimidate" people into voting for the opposition parties. "The unseen hand of communism," elaborated Tun Ismail, "had manoeuvred events using the opposition parties as its tools."

In a second speech, the Tunku said that a great deal of money had been poured into the country by communist agents: "They branded the MCA as pro-Malay... it was astounding to see the response they got through intimidation and threats." By contrast, the Tunku added that the communists had earlier tried to prevent the elections and took the opportunity of parading in their armed thousands for the funeral procession of a youth reported to have been killed in self-defence by police when he was discovered pasting up anti-election posters. While it was true that some Mao-slogans and flags were seen during this parade, the discipline of the 14,000-strong crowd in their eight-mile march may have been due to genuine restraint rather than to communist organisation.

The violence, which the Tunku described as triggered off by the behaviour of opposition supporters after the announcement of the election results, had provided, he said, a situation which the communists "had always tried to create". As if to demonstrate this, it was announced on Friday night that "93 hardcore terrorists" had been arrested in a building in Batu Road with home-made arms and were alleged to have confessed to the intention of attacking innocent people. Another 60 "armed communists" were taken into custody over the weekend.

A day earlier the Yang di-Pertuan Agong had proclaimed a State of Emergency under Section 150 of the Constitution. This gave the Government powers similar to those which it assumed in 1964 during the Indonesian confrontation. On Thursday afternoon, the local press was suspended until censorship regulations could be drawn up but no attempt was made to supervise reports sent out by foreign correspondents. (However, on Saturday, some overseas journalists had their curfew passes removed by armed troops.) Straits Times editor-in-chief, Tan Sri Hoffman, made an impressive plea against these official moves both editorially and at a press conference. (This was particularly significant both because of the standing of his newspaper and because of his own reputation -- especially for courage during the Japanese occupation.) He remarked to Information Minister Hamzah that only Malaysians were to be prevented from finding out what was going on. In reply, Hamzah's explanation was that the ban was due to the inflammatory nature of articles printed by the local press, before and during the elections. Hoffman protested: "Is a civil servant going to tell me what is inflammatory and what is not inflammatory?"

Tun Razak revealed that the National Operations Council, of which he is the head, would consist of the Ministers for Information and Home Affairs as well as representatives of the police and the armed forces. A mini-cabinet was also to be formed, including MCA ministers Tan Siew Sin and Kaw Kai Bo, but it was not clear what its relationship would be with the Council. Tun Razak is still responsible to the Tunku, but all the powers under Emergency Regulations are vested in him. The Council has responsibility for restoring law and order and will be built on a hierarchy of councils at state and district levels.

It is too early to write an obituary for Malaysian democracy -- all the facts are not yet known. However, since they may never come to light, speculation is inevitable. It seems that the Alliance was unable to accept the criticisms which the electorate -- Malay, Chinese and Indian -- registered at the polls.

The sole rays of hope are the peace which prevailed in the former Labour Party stronghold in Penang where Dr Lim Cheong Eu has been sworn in as Chief Minister, and in cholera-stricken Kelantan, where PMIP's Dato Asri announced immediately after the election results that people of all races in his state were to be considered to be "Kelantanese".

MAJALAH TIMES BERKENAAN PERISTIWA 13 MEI 1969 (KELUARAN 18 JULAI 1969)

PREPARING FOR A POGROM

Residents of Kuala Lumpur, both rich and poor, used to congregate by the thou sands each night around long rows of food stalls throughout the city. Many were there for their evening meal of satay (meat roasted on a short skewer of cane and dipped in curry sauce). Others stopped off on their way home for a bowl of soup. In the polyglot capital of Malaysia, this nightly relaxation attracted not only Malays but also citizens of the large Chinese minority and the smaller Indian and Pakistani groups.

For the past two months, however, Kuala Lumpur's food stalls have closed early and the street crowds that usually mingled pleasantly now scatter for cover at any unusual sound. In the wake of bloody race riots that may have claimed 2,000 lives, Malaysia's peoples have bro ken little bread together; they have probably broken any hope for multiracial harmony for many years to come.

Last week, though no further rioting occurred, Kuala Lumpur was a city of mounting tensions and widening divisions. In the weeks since the first riots—which terrified primarily the Chinese, since they were the main victims—new incidents have centered on Indian communities as well. With both minorities now targets for mob attack, the struggle has become more clearly than ever the Malay extremists' fight for total hegemony. Whether or not the Malay-controlled police force and emergency government have actually stirred up some of the house-burning, spear-carrying mobs, they seem unwilling to clamp down on them. Strict government censorship has created a news void that forces panicked citizens to keep their transistor radios tuned to the police band and gives credence to constant ru mors of terror. Chinese secret societies, the backbone of self-defense whenever officials are distrusted, are flourishing and, justifiably or not, Malaysia's minorities are preparing for a pogrom.

Benefits at the Top. Malaysia's working arrangement for the past 20 years has always kept political power in the hands of Malays but allowed the more commercially aggressive Chinese and Indians to accumulate much of the economic power. Outwardly, this combi nation brought twin blessings. Malaysia developed a thriving modern economy that produced one of the highest per cap ita incomes in Asia, and at the same time enjoyed the personal freedoms of a liberal democracy. Presiding over the hopeful experiment was the avuncular figure of 66-year-old Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. His Alliance coalition, dominated by Malays but including both Chinese and Indian parties, won control of Parliament during the election of 1955, two years before in dependence, and has kept it ever since.

For all its practical success, Malaysia never really managed to overcome racial enmities. The Chinese and Indians resented Malay-backed plans favoring the majority, including one to make Malay the official school and government language. The poorer, more rural Malays became jealous of Chinese and Indian prosperity. Perhaps the Alliance's greatest failing was that it served to benefit primarily those at the top. It was not unheard of for a government official to discover a new car in his garage, its donor a mystery until a Chinese towkay (rich merchant) mentioned it offhandedly—and then perhaps asked for a favor. For a Chinese or Indian who was not well-off, or for a Malay who was not well-connected, there was little largesse in the system. Even for those who were favored, hard feelings persisted. One towkay recently told a Malay official: "If it weren't for the Chinese, you Malays would be sitting on the floor without tables and chairs." Replied the official: "If I knew I could get every damned Chinaman out of the country, I would willingly go back to sitting on the floor."

Lip Service. Malaysia's democracy has been suspended as a result of the riots. Three days after they began, both the Tunku and the constitutional monarch handed over all their powers to the ambitious Deputy Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak. He now presides over a state-of-emergency ruling group called the National Operations Council. Heavily dependent on the military and Malay extremists for support, the N.O.C. government today is run by men who believe that Malaysia's only hope is to find a solution to the minority "problem"—and are willing to accept a lower standard of living, or even shed the federation's non-Malay Borneo states to find it. This month Razak, who as a former Minister of National and Rural Development became committed to programs for Malay supremacy, announced a new economic program. Though he has not yet given militants free reign and still manages to pay lip service to the notion that "prosperity must be spread throughout the nation," his proposals for new government-run industry, rural development and industrial training courses all seem designed solely to benefit the Malay community.

Malays could not take over the economy within the foreseeable future. They simply do not have the capital or the know-how to manage it, especially in the field of rubber production, in which Malaysia is the world leader. However, they do have the power to wreck the economy—and seemingly the hatred that could make them use it. The majority of Chinese and Indians have come to believe, as a result of the riots, that they cannot expect government protection from Malay mobs.

In retaliation, Chinese merchants have already raised prices on many goods to Malay buyers and cut off paja (credit), by which many a Malay farmer buys seed for his next crop. More ominous still, the conflict, at first only an urban affair, is spreading to the countryside. Chinese-owned pickup trucks have ceased collecting the fishing catch from the Strait of Malacca. The eagerly awaited season for durian, a large and delectable strong-scented fruit grown only in Asia, is now at its peak. In any other year, Malay farmers would make small fortunes on this rare fruit. Last week durians were rotting by the roadside because Chinese trucks were not sent for them—as they are not being sent anywhere in Malaysia's rice bowl. Economies will not long endure that kind of standoff, and the result is likely to be fresh explosions of racial strife.

GERAKAN TENTERA SELENDANG MERAH

GERAKAN TENTERA SELENDANG MERAH???

Mungkin bukan pertama kali blog ini memaparkan entry tentang Tentera Selendang Merah ini. Sebelum ini penulis pernah memaparkan secara sepintas lalu tentang gerakan ini di dalam entry yang berkaitan peristiwa 13 Mei 1969. Mungkin nama gerakan ini tidak asing bagi golongan-golongan yang hidup era 1960-an tetapi mungkin jarang diketahui oleh anak-anak muda pada masa kini. Kehebatan tentera-tentera selendang Merah sewaktu peristiwa 13 Mei sukar untuk diterima akal oleh masyarakat pada zaman teknologi ini. Justeru, entry ini akan berkongsi dengan kalian tentang gerakan ini supaya ianya sentiasa segar di ingatan anak-anak muda kini.

Gerakan Selendang Merah umumnya telah ditubuhkan sejak tamatnya Perang Dunia Kedua (1945) iaitu selepas Jepun menyerah kalah dan mengundurkan tenteranya di Tanah Melayu. Pengunduran tentera Jepun telah mengakibatkan Tanah Melayu mengalami kekosongan kuasa di mana tidak ditadbir oleh mana-mana pihak dalam tempoh masa hampir 3 minggu. Kekosongan kuasa tersebut telah dimanfaatkan oleh MPAJA dan PKM untuk bermaharajalela di Tanah Melayu. MPAJA dan PKM yang majoritinya dianggotai oleh kaum Cina telah keluar daripada hutan untuk membalas dendam ekoran daripada penindasan yang dialami semasa zaman pentadbiran Jepun. Tempoh penguasaan komunis telah menyaksikan MPAJA dan PKM melaksanakan hukuman ke atas penduduk tempatan yang bersekongkol dengan pihak Jepun sebelum ini. Banyak rakyat-rakyat menjadi korban kekejaman komunis yang melaksanakan proses pengadilan melalui "Mahkamah Rakyat" yang menjatuhkan hukuman tanpa perbicaraan yang adil. Bukan itu sahaja, pengadilan yang dilakukan oleh pihak komunis juga dilihat agak berat sebelah apabila lebih menindas orang Melayu dan cenderung untuk membela kaum Cina. Namun, tidak dinafikan bahawa terdapat juga kaum Cina yang ditindas dan dibunuh oleh komunis. 

Kekejaman yang dilakukan oleh pihak komunis ke atas orang Melayu di Semenanjung telah menimbulkan perasaan tidak puas hati. Keadaan yang sama turut berlaku di negeri Johor khususnya di daerah Muar dan Batu Pahat. Dua daerah utama yang majoritinya didiami oleh orang Melayu telah menjadi salah satu tempat utama pihak komunis melaksanakan dasarnya yang anti-Melayu. Buktinya, pihak komunis telah menjadikan Bakeri Batu Enam Bukit Mor, Muar sebagai markas utamanya. Markas ini dikenali sebagai "lubuk hitam" yang paling bahaya kerana disinilah tempat pihak komunis melaksanakan hukuman tidak kira dalam bentuk penyeksaan mahupun pembunuhan. Bukan itu sahaja, anggota-anggota komunis yang terdiri daripada kaum Cina telah menawan beberapa Balai Polis seperti di Parit Jawa, Batu pahat dan Bandar Maharani, Muar.

Pentadbiran kuku besi oleh komunis pada awalnya tidak mendapat tentangan secara terbuka dari orang Melayu yang sedang berpuasa di bulan ramadhan (1365). Sikap orang Melayu yang tidak menentang telah menyebabkan anggota komunis semakin berani untuk menindas kaum tersebut. Hal ini jelas dilihat apabila anggota-anggota komunis bukan sahaja menganiaya golongan yang tidak bersalah tetapi telah mencabul kehormatan agama yang dianuti oleh kaum Melayu iaitu ISLAM. Buktinya, komunis telah melarang orang-orang Melayu di Muar dan Batu Pahat untuk berkumpul di surau atau masjid bagi menunaikan sembahyang terawikh dan amal ibadat secara berjemaah. Malahan, pihak komunis turut menjadikan tempat beribadat orang Islam seperti masjid di Air Hitam Muar sebagai tempat penyembelihan babi sehingga menyebabkan masyarakat setempat terganggu untuk menunaikan ibadat di masjid tersebut. Tindakan yang dilakukan oleh anggota-anggota PKM telah menyebabkan kaum Melayu hilang pertimbangan dan kesabaran.

KIYAI SALLEH (TENGAH)

Rentetan daripada itu, kaum Melayu yang beragama Islam di Muar dan Batu pahat telah bangkit menubuhkan satu angkatan tentera bagi menentang keganasan komunis yang mencabul kehormatan agama ISLAM. Angkatan tentera ini telah dipelopori oleh seorang mualim yang tinggal di Parit Maimon, Simpang Kiri, Batu Pahat yang dikenali sebagai Haji Salleh Bin Abdul Karim atau lebih dikenali dengan gelaran Kiyai Salleh. Menurut beberapa sumber yang boleh dipercayai, pembentukan angkatan tentera ini sebenarnya adalah ekoran daripada "seruan" yang diterima oleh Kiyai Salleh sewaktu memimpin satu upacara membaca doa dan bersembahyang di surau kampungnya bertujuan memohon kepada ALLAH S.W.T agar malapetaka yang sedang dihadapi pada waktu itu tidak merebak ke kawasan-kawasan lain. Seruan ini telah didengari oleh Kiyai Salleh sewaktu khusyuk berdoa dan membaca ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran. Seruan tersebut berbunyi demikian:

"Kalau kamu tentang pencabulan ini.

Tuhan akan berserta kamu, 

Gunakanlah sebarang senjata yang ada pada kamu,

Kalau kamu tidak menentangnya,

Harus kamu habis ditindasnya,

Bangunlah menentang di atas daya kamu,

dan gunakanlah ayat-ayat Al-Quran tertentu,

sebagaimana yang digunakan oleh Rasulullah melawan kafir dahulu,

dan ayat-ayat yang digunakan dalam Perang Sabil zaman khalifah Islam dahulu."

OBJEKTIF PENUBUHAN ANGKATAN TENTERA SELENDANG MERAH???

1) Mempertahankan kehormatan agama ISLAM dan tempat-tempat ibadah yang telah dinodai oleh komunis

2) Menentang dan memusnahkan segala kezaliman yang dilakukan oleh tentera Bintang Tiga (komunis)

3) Mengawal maruah bangsa, hak dan harta orang-orang Islam

ORGANISASI TENTERA SELENDANG MERAH

Kiyai Salleh telah membentuk beberapa pasukan untuk mengawal kawasan-kawasan tertentu. Pembahagian kawasan tersebut tidak hanya tertakluk di daerah Muar dan Batu Pahat sahaja tetapi meliputi seluruh negeri Johor. Organisasi tersebut dipimpin oleh pembantu-pembantu beliau seperti berikut:

Pesuruhjaya Am:

 Kiyai Wak Joyo

Kawasan Johor Selatan: 

Ketua I (Kiyai Musin)

Ketua II (Kiyai Mashhudi)

Ketua III (Kiyai Mayor/ Moh)

Kawasan Johor Timur:

Ketua I: (Kiyai Saudi)

Ketua II: (Kiyai Maskam)

Ketua III: (Kiyai Sarbini)

Kawasan Johor Utara

Ketua I: (Kiyai Mustahir)

Ketua II: (Kiyai Haji Shamsuddin)

Ketua III: (Kiyai Haji Sukor)

Semua ketua yang dilantik diberi gelaran Kiyai dan mendapat kepercayaan penuh dari Panglima tentera Kiyai Salleh untuk memimpin pasukan masing-masing. Walau bagaimanapun, pembentukan pasukan tentera ini adalah merupakan sesuatu yang agak menakjubkan apabila ianya tidak mampu membekalkan senjata api kepada tentera-tenteranya. Sesuai dengan pepatah Melayu yang berbunyi "tiada rotan akar pun berguna" telah menyaksikan kaum Melayu yang menganggotai Tentera Selendang Merah menentang komunis dengan senjata-senjata seperti parang panjang, senapang patah, lembing, pedang, keris, tombak dan sundang. Namun demikian, 80% anggota daripada Tentera Selendang Merah telah menggunakan parang panjang sebagai senjata utama sehingga zaman tersebut dikenali sebagai "zaman perang parang panjang". Selain itu, terdapat juga sesetengah pihak yang mendakwa senjata-senjata tersebut mempunyai unsur-unsur hikmat. Sebagai contoh, Kiyai Salleh yang merupakan Panglima Tentera Selendang Merah telah menggunakan pedang yang dihadiahkan oleh ibunya iaitu sebilah pedang yang boleh dilipat dan dililit seperti tali pinggang. Malahan Kiyai Saudi turut menggunakan tongkat yang diperolehi dari perdu kayu kelo dari Tanah Jawa yang didakwa boleh menjadikan beliau kebal dan tidak boleh ditembusi oleh sebarang senjata.

Adalah mustahil bagi sebuah pasukan tentera yang tidak dilengkapi senjata canggih untuk menentang anggota komunis yang mempunyai teknologi persenjataan yang boleh dikatakan agak canggih pada waktu itu. Justeru, angkatan tentara Selendang Merah ini telah dilengkapi dengan unsur spiritual yang kuat bagi meningkatkan semangat juang masing-masing. Oleh itu, kebanyakan anggota-anggota tentera tersebut telah dilengkap dengan "selendang merah" yang bertulis dengan ayat-ayat suci al-Quran. Selain itu, setiap tentera-tentera Selendang Merah turut diberikan beberapa zikir dan ayat al-Quran untuk diamalkan di samping turut dilengkapkan dengan petua perjuangan bagi menghadapi musuh.

Wallahu'alam. Sekian.

   

MAJALAH TIMES BERKENAAN PERISTIWA 13 MEI 1969 (KELUARAN 23 MEI 1969)

INFO: ARTIKEL DI BAWAH IALAH KERATAN DARIPADA MAJALAH TIMES PADA 23 MEI 1969 YANG DIHARAMKAN OLEH KERAJAAN SELEPAS DARIPADA PERISTIWA 13 MEI 1969 EKORAN LAPORANNYA YANG BERSIFAT OFFENSIVE.

RACE WAR IN MALAYSIA

MALAYSIA'S proud experiment in constructing a multiracial society exploded in the streets of Kuala Lumpur last week. Malay mobs, wearing white headbands signifying an alliance with death, and brandishing swords and daggers, surged into Chinese areas in the capital, burning, looting and killing. In retaliation, Chinese, sometimes aided by Indians, armed themselves with pistols and shotguns and struck at Malay kampongs (villages). Huge pillars of smoke rose skyward as houses, shops and autos burned.

Firemen drew sniper fire as they attempted to douse the flames, and outnumbered police watched helplessly at times as the street gangs rampaged. One man, trying to escape from his burning car, was thrown back into it by a howling mob, and died. By the time the four days of race war and civil strife had run their course, the General Hospital's morgue was so crowded that bodies were put into plastic bags and hung on ceiling hooks. Government officials, attempting to play down the extent of the disaster, insisted that the death toll was only 104. Western diplomatic sources put the toll closer to 600, with most of the victims Chinese.

No Longer Satisfied. From its inception, Malaysia has been haunted by racial divisions. By tacit agreement, the Federation's 4,300,000 Malays under Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman wielded political power. Economic power was largely in the hands of Malaysia's 3,400,000 Chinese. There are also the 1,000,000 Indians and Pakistanis who make up the third major ethnic group. What made it all work was the Tunku's Alliance coalition, in which Malay, Chinese and Indian parties participated. But for some time the Chinese and Indians had feared that eventually they would be pushed out as laws favoring Malays for schools and jobs bore fruit.

The trouble began two weeks ago, when newly formed Chinese opposition parties cut heavily into the Alliance's majority in parliamentary elections. It became suddenly apparent that many Chinese were no longer satisfied with just economic hegemony, but wanted a protective share of the political power as well. Nothing was more surely calculated to frighten the Malays, in particular the Malay "ultras" (right-wingers), who have long preached the doctrine of Malaysia for the Malays. Alarmed, the ultras began to discuss ways of retaining control. At a Malay post-election meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Chinese onlookers began to taunt those in attendance. Infuriated, the Malays attacked. At least eight Chinese were killed and within 45 minutes fast-spreading riots forced the Tunku to clamp a 24-hour curfew on the capital.

Returning to Singapore. Struggling to restore order as the fighting mushroomed, the Tunku and Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak took power into their own hands. Parliament was suspended, as were constitutional guarantees. Total administrative power was taken by the newly formed, all-powerful National Operations Council headed by Razak, which proceeded to suspend publication of all Malaysian newspapers for several days. Arrests began. Ninety-three alleged terrorists were bagged in a swoop on a Chinese apartment building in Kuala Lumpur, and Razak reported that all Communists and known sympathizers were being rounded up. Razak and the Tunku blamed all the troubles on Communist China, which, they charged, had funneled large sums of money to Communist agitators in Malaysia. Later, however, the Tunku backed off slightly, and praised "loyal Chinese elements," adding that he had been mistaken when he blamed Chinese Communists for all the troubles.

As tensions eased late in the week, curfews were lifted long enough to allow householders to go out and buy food. The fires burned on, however, and there were still occasional racial clashes. For some time to come, Malaysia would be a bitterly divided society. Already many Chinese have given up hope: one senior government official spoke of abandoning everything in Kuala Lumpur and returning to his native Singapore. There was no doubt that if many others followed his example, severe damage to Malaysia's once-prospering economy would result. Beyond that was the question of whether the wounds opened last week would ever sufficiently heal to permit Malaysia's diverse peoples to resume their quest for a working multiracial nation.